Harry Westerink gave a presentation about his work within the organisation of the ‘Fabel van de Illegaal’ (the myths around illegal immigrants), an organisation based in Leiden, the Netherlands. The ‘Fabel van de Illegaal’ is a leftwing radical revolutionary organisation that strives for a permanent free-socialistic femenistic and ecological society. Their objective is to fight against migration control. They strive for the right of free migration from the idea that happiness, freedom, justice and prosperity must be accessible for all human beings. ‘Since 1960 the gap between the rich part - and the poor part of the world has tripled. ‘It’s understandable that the people from the south are coming to Europe, I would do the same,’ says Harry Westerink.

The ‘Fabel van de Illegaal’ supports people without a residency permit, refugees, immigrant workers and ‘marriage migrants’ (immigrants who come over for a marriage in order to get a residence permit). The organisation offers individual support by arranging medical and legal assistance and they run a consultancy for illegal immigrants. Besides that they strive for changes in political positions through protests, a political lobby and supporting the self-organisations of illegal immigrants etc. A few times each year the ‘Fabel van de Illegaal’ is publishing a newspaper and besides that one or more special thematic editions within the ‘Gebladerte reeks’. The independent journal functions as a platform for the ideology and the research of the ‘Fabel van de Illegaal’ and informs about all sorts of racism.

‘Since 1990 the Netherlands is taking a vanguard position in closing the borders for migrants,’ says Westerink. ‘While the image of the Netherlands was previously constructed around the notion of tolerance and humanitarian policies, the image building nowadays is quite the opposite. The strict regulations concerning migration are consciously brought into action to scare off the potential immigrants. Today the Netherlands is known as a country where you shouldn’t go as a migrant. For example there’s an increase of refugees coming from Iraq in all European countries, except for the Netherlands where there’s an actual decrease of Iraq refugees.’ According to Harry Westerink one of the strategies to demoralize potential immigrants is the exam that is part of the Dutch compulsory integration course). The immigrants have to pass this exam in their own country before they can migrate to the Netherlands. ‘This measure is only used by the Dutch government,’ says Harry Westerink. ‘Probably the Netherlands is functioning as a test case. If the strict migration control function properly and there is a decrease of immigrants, the other European countries will follow. Harry Westerink needs to disappoint a lot of people who come during the consultation sessions because they are thinking of the Netherlands as a democracy, ‘although we’re living in a democracy, it’s a dictatorship for illegal citizens.’

Gerben Hoogterp is a city counsellor of PAL / GrienLinks (leftwing political party) in Leeuwarden and a pastor. He starts his presentation with two questions that we all need to take in consideration before reflecting on cultural identity and immigration: ‘what is your own identity? And when were you in the position of a stranger?’ Hoogterp is convinced that everybody knows the feeling of being strange, though there’s just a little amount of people who’re aware of the problems that illegal immigrants are confronted with in the Netherlands. ‘Here it’s an enormous bureaucracy, there are many humanitarian rules and regulations. People tend to believe that everything is well ordered for everyone. This makes it even more bitter that some people are complete outsiders because they have no rights to take part within our society’, says Hoogterp.

During the nineties a lot of asylum centres opened in Friesland. When the announcement of a new centre in Kollum (Friesland) was made, the mayor was attacked with eggs. This resistance leaded to the founding of ‘Flechtelingen  Wolkom’ (refugees welcome), a social Christian organisation that was devoted to increase the support and  tolerant attitudes towards asylum seekers. Gerben Hoogterp was the chairman of ‘Flechtelingen wolkom’ until 2004.

Marten Winters: ‘The resistance in Kollum had to do with the way the announcement was made. There’s an anarchist mentality in and around Kollum. If people are told to do something, they won’t do it. If the city council had involved the villagers within the decision-making, probably the resistance had been less extreme.’

Gerben Hoogterp defines the resistance against the closure of most of the asylum seekers centres in Friesland., especially when former minister Rita Verdonk was in control of the migration policies, as remarkable. He explains this contrast because the contact with the inhabitants of the  centres turned out to be better than expected. The centres brought jobs and the local shops got more customers.

Julius Wijffels: ‘That is very much an argument from a economical perspective, but probably this resistance emerged because of the friendships between the villagers and the asylum seekers.’

Gerben Hoogterp does agree that friendships could have been a possible reason for the resistance, but according to him we must not underestimate the fact that Friesland is the poorest province of the Netherlands and Kollum is part of the poorest region of Friesland. Gerben is convinced of the necessity of including immigrants in the Frisian society and economy. Friesland is ageing and needs young people and families to continue operating on a profitable economical level.

Hoogterp tells about the peak in the resistance against the policies of former minister Verdonk in Friesland. ‘In 2004 there was a big protest, claiming the “Generaal Pardon”  (a regulation to give all illegal immigrants who started their asylum procedure in the Netherlands before 1st of April 2001 a residence permit,  if they didn’t leave the country for a while between this date and the ‘Generaal pardon’ and if they didn’t commit a crime in the Netherlands during their stay). The gathering took place in the ‘Grote kerk’ (church) in Leeuwarden. It didn’t result in the “Generaal Pardon” directly, but a lot of people openly sympathised with the asylumseekers. The involvement of the Christian community was enormous. This stopped, among other things, the plan of Verdonk to open a departure centre in Dokkum. The CDA (Christian Democratic Appeal – political party) has a lot of followers in Friesland and was at that moment largely represented in the city council of Dokkum. The CDA would have risked a lost in following elections if they voted for the coming of the depart centre in Dokkum, so they stopped it,’ explained Hoogterp

Gerben Hoogterp continues: ‘Eventually they agreed on a “Generaal pardon”. This means that all illegal immigrants who started their asylum procedure in the Netherlands before 1st of April 2001 will get a residence permit,  excluding the ones who left the country for a while between this date and the “Generaal pardon” and excluding the ones who committed a crime in the Netherlands during their stay. The people who came after the 1st of April 2001 are registered under the new Alien act. The “Generaal Pardon” was granted under the condition that all emergency shelters for asylum seekers who have exhausted all legal procedures, will close in 2009,’ According to Gerben Hoogterp this is not possible if there isn’t a deal at that time which doesn’t include all different kind of exceptions.

Wouter Osterholt: ‘Do you think such a deal can also contain an active policy of return?’

Harry Westerink: ‘Do you really think the emergency shelters are allowed to stay open when there’s not such a deal? All local authorities signed for the “Generaal pardon” under this condition.’

Gerben Hoogterp tells about the introduction of a new definition: the ‘tussenopvang’ (middling shelters) to avoid the closure.

Abbas: ‘You describe the situation as it is but what can we do? Are there any solutions to improve the situation for asylum seekers?’

Harry Westerink:  ‘I’m afraid we need to confront the decisionmakers again and again with illegal individuals who become homeless, by occupying city halls and claim sleeping rooms for the illegal immigrants.’

Dani Adonis is still in anticipation of the ‘General Pardon’. Dani Adonis arrived in the Netherlands nine years ago, as an ‘Ama’ (a single minor asylum seeker) to the Netherlands. He stayed in many different asylum centres. ‘Asylum seekers need to move a lot so they can’t become attached to the surroundings and maintain friendships with ‘original’ Dutch inhabitants. It’s not easy to keep in contact at a distance, asylum seekers don’t have money to call and they can’t have a drivers licence,’ explained Dani. Dani Adonis was in a detention centre for three times. They wanted him to return to Rusland, but he’s not welcome there or anywhere else. He’s declared unwanted because he committed some small criminal offences when he was a minor. The punishment he got was not justified, according to Dani Adonis. ‘They punished me several times for the same offence. It’s harsh in the detention centres. If I was a European citizen I could have protest against this injustice. Now I can’t resist because I’m illegal.’

Brenda Ottjes:  ‘I want to emphasize that in some cases opposition has resulted in positive things. It’s good to be informed and to understand the regulations and its consequences and to be aware of the fact that Europe is firmly bordered off from the rest of the world. Nevertheless it’s important to search for possibilities for change, otherwise you’ll lose faith and that’s deconstructive. It’s recommendable to get inspired by the resistance that was efficient and to be aware of the improvements, even if they are just small. Opposition can only be effective if the objectives are clearly framed.’